King Mohammed VI, a descendant of the Alaouite dynasty in power sincemaintains hegemony over both the spiritual and secular realms.
Throughout post-independence era, the monarchy has relied on these sources of religious authority and used the rituals surrounding them, which have been codified in the laws and constitution and institutionalized in the Moroccan political system, to set the monarch above the political fray.
Beginning in the s, however, a conflict emerged between the state and a resurgent political Islam that posed a new kind of challenge to the monarchy and its religious authority.
After the terrorist attacks in Casablanca, the state cracked down on Salafi Islamists. The state also used its exclusive control of traditional media outlets to reinvigorate the national significance of Sufi mystical Islam and, in effect, to reclaim and secure the spiritual identity of the country.
Today, the contours of this public space continue to be challenged and redefined, with little to no instances of radical violent Islamism. In particular, each trajectory reflects the rejectionist versus participation dilemma that has faced Moroccan Islamism in the post-independence era.
The PJD, in contrast, successfully contested the legislative elections of Yassine was an intellectual force and a prolific Islamic scholar. Between andhe published 15 works of religious syntheses and commentaries on Sufism, Marxism, secularism, and nationalism.
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In the notorious letter, Yassine questioned the religious legitimacy of the monarchy. He called on the king to repent of his sins, dissolve all political parties, and institute a shura consultative council.
The new association sought social activism and fought for political existence, which was repeatedly denied by the state. In our country, the citizens who respect the time of prayer at work are threatened with dismissal. Now it is the apostates, the sinners and the drunks who govern the country while the real believers are prevented from practicing their religion.
The management of politics and the economy is the prerogative of a class of exploiters.
The precepts of God are pushed aside. Rather, Yassine suggests that Moroccan society is in a state of Fitna 7: We live in a fitna, not in a Jahili era. Even though there are those among us and among our leaders who are apostates, our ummah [Islamic community] is still that of our master Mohammed, its core Islamic beliefs are intact and Jahili beliefs cannot penetrate it.
The association is largely a protest group that appeals to a wide range of Moroccan people. Its success lies in the social services it provides for thousands of Moroccans in urban and rural areas, including literacy courses and basic welfare in poor urban centers.
The association has a strong base among university students and in the main cities. Its charities run blood banks, help people organize funerals, and, on Eid al-Adha, offer lamb to the needy.
However, the association has refused to take part in the political system. Restore to the people their legitimate belongings!In Morocco’s election last week, the major Islamist party won again. Here’s what that means. Two years later, faced with a united Moroccan demand for the sultan's return and rising violence in Morocco, as well as a deteriorating situation in Algeria, the French government brought Mohammed V back to Morocco, and the following year began the negotiations that led to Moroccan independence.
The two main Islamist movements in Morocco, al-‘Adl wal Ihsane (Justice and Charity), and al-‘Adala wa at-Tanmiya (the Party of Justice and Development or PJD) for years resorted largely to quietist strategies of activism and opposition.
In Morocco’s election last week, the major Islamist party won again. Here’s what that means. The two main Islamist movements in Morocco, al-‘Adl wal Ihsane (Justice and Charity), and al-‘Adala wa at-Tanmiya (the Party of Justice and Development or PJD) for years resorted largely to quietist strategies of activism and opposition. But the tsunami of the Arab uprisings in presented opportunities for Islamists to assert their presence more forcefully on Morocco’s political scene. Morocco's formally accepted Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party (PJD), has further underlined its recognition of the authoritarian regime in response to a disappointing electoral showing and tough competition from the new Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM).
But the tsunami of the Arab uprisings in presented opportunities for Islamists to assert their presence more forcefully on Morocco’s political scene. Only in Algeria did a legal Islamist party exist, the Movement of Society for Peace (Hams). when the Arab Spring swept these governments from power, the Islamist parties were the main beneficiaries. In Morocco, however, the old government has remained in power, and the Islamists have succeeded as well.
Although Morocco has not.
The attitude of those in power towards the Islamist movement in Morocco has undergone a long journey, fluctuating between different attitudes: an initial boost, confrontation, manipulation, “assimilation” of moderates and the exclusion of radicals.
This article analyses the dissimilar evolution of the Islamist movement in Morocco, from the coronation of Mohamed VI in to the present day, a period that has seen changes in relations between the monarchy, Islamism and governance, and which has given rise to a complex triangle in its.